<div class="phx-topic abstract-wrapper">All over Britain small bands of people are being mobilized, ready for action at a moment's notice. </div>

All over Britain small bands of people are being mobilized, ready for action at a moment's notice.

<div>All over Britain small bands of people are being mobilized, ready for action at a moment's notice. The party faithful have been put on the alert.Constituency workers are the backbone of any political party's election campaigning, and as the conviction grows that Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher will call a general election next year, so activist members of the Conservative, Labour and Social Democratic/Liberal Alliance parties are gearing themselves up.In Britain, the election process is very different from that in the United States. There is no fixed term of office for the government, just a maximum of five years for any...

All over Britain small bands of people are being mobilized, ready for action at a moment's notice. The party faithful have been put on the alert. Constituency workers are the backbone of any political party's election campaigning, and as the conviction grows that Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher will call a general election next year, so activist members of the Conservative, Labour and Social Democratic/Liberal Alliance parties are gearing themselves up.In Britain, the election process is very different from that in the United States. There is no fixed term of office for the government, just a maximum of five years for any one Parliament. The prime minister can go to the country whenever he or she wants, often choosing the moment when conditions seem most favorable for the party in power. In 1974, Labour Prime Minister Harold Wilson called a general election in October, just eight months after winning the February parliamentary elections, in an effort to increase his majority in the House of Commons. But the Labour Party then waited almost the full five-year term before holding the next general election, the one that saw Mrs. Thatcher swept to power. Well into her second term of office, the prime minister is having to consider the optimal time to go to the polls. In theory, she could wait until June 1988, but there are a growing number of signs that it will be sometime next year. The reshuffle of government ministers a couple of weeks ago was clearly designed to promote those members of Parliament seen as communicators. With the exception of Mrs. Thatcher herself, most Cabinet ministers are not well known to the electorate. Recent polls suggest many people in Britain could not name the foreign secretary, Sir Geoffrey Howe, despite the fact that he has been a senior member of the government since 1979. Most of the better known or more flamboyant ministers of recent years, such as Michael Heseltine, Cecil Parkinson or Lord Carrington, have, for a variety of reasons, resigned. While leaving her present Cabinet intact, Mrs. Thatcher brought a number of new faces into the middle and lower ranks of government. Her goal in the reshuffling was to appoint those she feels will do a better task of explaining and promoting government policy. The surprise announcement that British Airways will be privatized early next year was also seen as an indication the government is planning an early general election. Mrs. Thatcher has been pressing for the sale of BA since she first took office, and has been disappointed by the many delays. At last the way is clear, and the government seems determined to complete a share flotation before an election is held. From now on, virtually every government action will be scrutinized for clues as to possible timing. At the moment, two possible windows are deemed likely - either in May-June soon after the budget, or in September-October after the summer recess. The problem for the opposition parties is that Mrs. Thatcher need give little more than two weeks notice. In practice, an election campaign normally runs for three weeks. While the British system is clearly preferable for voters - who are not exposed to months and months of electioneering that precede a U.S. presidential election - the system is nevertheless tough on party workers, who must respond instantly once the prime minister decides to ask the sovereign to dissolve Parliament. The differences between the two systems do not stop there. Britain is divided into 650 constituencies, and electors vote only for one local candidate. There is no direct voting for the head of state, as there is in the United States. The political party that returns the most MPs to the House of Commons is then invited by the queen to form a government. Each party has its own procedure for choosing the leader who, in the event of victory, would be appointed prime minister. Because voters only elect their own MPs, a general election does not have to be called should the prime minister resign or die in office. There is no equivalent of an elected vice president in Britain. When Harold Wilson resigned in 1976, his successor, James Callaghan, was chosen by the Labour Party. And should the Conservative Party decide that Margaret Thatcher was an electoral liability, it could replace her with a new leader. At this stage, it is impossible to guess who might occupy 10 Downing Street in a year's time. The Conservative Party and Margaret Thatcher appears out of favor right now but, as the Falklands War showed, political fortunes can alter very swiftly. Although the Conservative Party never exploited the Falklands victory in their last election campaign, the Falklands factor undoubtedly contributed to Mrs. Thatcher's huge parliamentary majority in the 1983 general election. This time round, however, Labour seems better prepared to wrest control of the government from the Conservatives. Labour's standing with the electorate had sagged badly under the leadership of Michael Foot. Mr. Foot was seen by many as an old-fashioned type socialist whose methods were out of step with current political thinking. New leader Neil Kinnock has restored the party's reputation, however, offering a more middle-of-the-road platform and a more modern image. The next election may also see the emergence of the SDP/Liberal Party Alliance as a powerful political force. In the past, however, the party has fallen victim to Britain's "first past the post" election system, in which only the candidate with the most votes is elected. Although the Alliance only won 23 parliamentary seats in the last election compared with Labour's 209, it nevertheless gained 25 percent of the votes cast, only just behind Labour's 27 percent. Needless to say, the party is a keen advocate of proportional representation. But despite this handicap, the Alliance could find itself holding the balance of power - and perhaps, being asked to form a government - if as some commentators are forecasting, there is a hung Parliament after the next election, with no one party gaining an overall majority. For the past 150 years, a mainly two-party system has existed in Britain, with the right-wing Conservative Party or the left-wing Labour Party dominating Parliament for most of this century. The emergence of the SDP/ Liberal Alliance over the past few years into an important political force could dramatically change the face of British politics. Right now, though, it is Mrs. Thatcher who has the upper hand, able to choose the moment when the polls look most favorable to try and win a third term of office. The other party leaders have put out an election alert to their followers, but can do no more until the prime minister makes her move.

BRITAIN'S POLITICAL PARTIES ON ALERT

<div class="phx-topic abstract-wrapper">Record container volumes resulted in greater port activity amid an increase in calls by vessels, trucks and trains, as well as increased use of cargo-handling equipment.</div>

Record container volumes resulted in greater port activity amid an increase in calls by vessels, trucks and trains, as well as increased use of cargo-handling equipment.

Feature image

<div class="phx-topic">Emissions from vessel and surface operations at the ports of Los Angeles and Long Beach were up by only small to moderate amounts in 2024 despite the Southern California gateway handling record container volumes that jumped about 20% from the year prior. The new data was included in the annual emissions inventories published separately last week by each port. “Cargo volume shot up from 2023 to 2024, and we did see increases in emissions in that time period,” said Noel Hacegaba, COO at the Port of Long Beach. “However, the reduction figures from the baseline year of 2005 to 2024 show we still have dramatically reduced air pollution in the long run.” Record container volumes resulted in greater port activity amid an increase in calls by vessels, trucks and trains, as well as increased use of cargo-handling equipment, said Jacqueline Moore, vice president of the Pacific Merchant Shipping Association (PMSA), which represents marine terminal operators and shipping lines in legislative matters. Los Angeles in 2024 handled 10.3 million laden and empty TEUs, up 19% from 2023. Long Beach handled 9.6 million TEUs, up 20% from 2023, according to statistics in their emissions reports. Despite the growth in activity, “the increases in emissions were small to moderate,” Moore told the Journal of Commerce Tuesday. Los Angeles and Long Beach each year release details of more than a half-dozen health risk categories of emissions at the ports, including diesel particulate matter (DPM), nitrogen oxide (NOx), sulfur oxides (SOx), carbon monoxide (CO) and carbon dioxide (CO2). In most categories, the increase in emissions for 2024 was in the mid- to upper-single-digit range, Moore said. <h3>Ports account for ‘miniscule” percentage of regional pollution </h3>Port-generated emissions are a “miniscule” percentage of total pollutants in Southern California, Moore said. That includes mobile sources such as automobiles and regional trucking, and stationary sources such as manufacturing and residences. For example, the ports account for 0.5% of all NOx emissions in the South Coast region, 1.3% of DPMs and 5.6% of NOx, she said. The ports’ emission inventories have been measuring gains in emission reductions since 2005. According to an Oct. 16 PMSA release, the port complex has reduced DPMs by 90%, NOx by 70%, SOx by 98%, and greenhouse gas emissions by 10% since that baseline year. The ports will continue to cite these figures before regional, state and federal regulatory agencies to show that they and their stakeholders are doing their part to reduce pollution, Moore said. Last month, the ports reached a “cooperative” agreement with the South Coast Air Quality Management District (AQMD) to seek further emissions reductions. The PMSA said at the time gains should now be realized without resorting to burdensome measures proposed by the AQMD in its <a href="https://www.joc.com/article/proposed-emissions-rule-would-cap-la-lb-port-volumes-5679341">original Indirect Source Rule.</a>The AQMD agreement recognizes the ports’ achievements to date. The easier gains have been made, and squeezing further reductions from vessels, trucks, trains and cargo-handling equipment <a href="https://www.joc.com/article/la-lb-likely-to-work-with-regulator-on-emissions-cutting-plan-for-ports-6084550">will be much more costly to achieve</a>, PMSA President Mike Jacob told the regulatory agency last month. The ports will also work in a similar capacity with the California Air Resources Board and the federal Environmental Protection Agency to further reduce emissions in areas where those agencies’ jurisdictions intersect with port operations, Moore said. Contact Bill Mongelluzzo at <a href="mailto:bill.mongelluzzo@spglobal.com">bill.mongelluzzo@spglobal.com</a>.</div>

Emissions from vessel and surface operations at the ports of Los Angeles and Long Beach were up by only small to moderate amounts in 2024 despite the Southern California gateway handling record container volumes that jumped about 20% from the year prior. The new data was included in the annual emissions inventories published separately last week by each port. “Cargo volume shot up from 2023 to 2024, and we did see increases in emissions in that time period,” said Noel Hacegaba, COO at the Port of Long Beach. “However, the reduction figures from the baseline year of 2005 to 2024 show we still have dramatically reduced air pollution in the long run.” Record container volumes resulted in greater port activity amid an increase in calls by vessels, trucks and trains, as well as increased use of cargo-handling equipment, said Jacqueline Moore, vice president of the Pacific Merchant Shipping Association (PMSA), which represents marine terminal operators and shipping lines in legislative matters. Los Angeles in 2024 handled 10.3 million laden and empty TEUs, up 19% from 2023. Long Beach handled 9.6 million TEUs, up 20% from 2023, according to statistics in their emissions reports. Despite the growth in activity, “the increases in emissions were small to moderate,” Moore told the Journal of Commerce Tuesday. Los Angeles and Long Beach each year release details of more than a half-dozen health risk categories of emissions at the ports, including diesel particulate matter (DPM), nitrogen oxide (NOx), sulfur oxides (SOx), carbon monoxide (CO) and carbon dioxide (CO2). In most categories, the increase in emissions for 2024 was in the mid- to upper-single-digit range, Moore said. Ports account for ‘miniscule” percentage of regional pollution Port-generated emissions are a “miniscule” percentage of total pollutants in Southern California, Moore said. That includes mobile sources such as automobiles and regional trucking, and stationary sources such as manufacturing and residences. For example, the ports account for 0.5% of all NOx emissions in the South Coast region, 1.3% of DPMs and 5.6% of NOx, she said. The ports’ emission inventories have been measuring gains in emission reductions since 2005. According to an Oct. 16 PMSA release, the port complex has reduced DPMs by 90%, NOx by 70%, SOx by 98%, and greenhouse gas emissions by 10% since that baseline year. The ports will continue to cite these figures before regional, state and federal regulatory agencies to show that they and their stakeholders are doing their part to reduce pollution, Moore said. Last month, the ports reached a “cooperative” agreement with the South Coast Air Quality Management District (AQMD) to seek further emissions reductions. The PMSA said at the time gains should now be realized without resorting to burdensome measures proposed by the AQMD in its original Indirect Source Rule. The AQMD agreement recognizes the ports’ achievements to date. The easier gains have been made, and squeezing further reductions from vessels, trucks, trains and cargo-handling equipment will be much more costly to achieve , PMSA President Mike Jacob told the regulatory agency last month. The ports will also work in a similar capacity with the California Air Resources Board and the federal Environmental Protection Agency to further reduce emissions in areas where those agencies’ jurisdictions intersect with port operations, Moore said. Contact Bill Mongelluzzo at bill.mongelluzzo@spglobal.com .

Port News

North American ports

Marine terminals

Container Shipping News

Maritime

LA-LB saw ‘small to moderate’ rise in emissions despite record volumes in 2024

<div class="phx-topic abstract-wrapper">The Owner-Operator Independent Driver’s Association is urging Congress to codify new regulations aimed at tightening oversight of commercial driver licensing and to support more training for new drivers. </div>

The Owner-Operator Independent Driver’s Association is urging Congress to codify new regulations aimed at tightening oversight of commercial driver licensing and to support more training for new drivers.

<div class="phx-topic">A crackdown on unqualified and illegal truck drivers in the US is already said to be tightening capacity in certain markets, but some want the crackdown to go further. The Owner-Operator Independent Driver’s Association (OOIDA) is urging the House of Representatives and Senate to write <a href="https://www.joc.com/article/usdot-cracks-down-on-non-domiciled-cdls-targets-california-6087419">new truck driver licensing rules</a> into law. OOIDA is also calling for enhanced new driver training and more stringent audits of new carriers. The group also opposes efforts to lower the legal age required to drive a commercial truck in interstate commerce from 21 to 18. The Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act of 2022 established a three-year pilot program for 18- to 20-year-old truck drivers. “Simply put, far too many individuals are entering the trucking industry without the basic skills necessary to safely operate a commercial vehicle,” Todd Spencer, OOIDA’s president, said in a letter to the House and Senate transportation committees. “Additionally, inconsistent and improper licensing processes among states have permitted hundreds of thousands of unqualified drivers to work on our nation’s roads, which has needlessly resulted in numerous fatal crashes,” Spencer wrote. Since June, truck drivers have been the focus of English-language proficiency (ELP) and commercial driver’s license (CDL) enforcement initiatives by the US Department of Transportation (DOT) and its Federal Motor Carrier Safety Administration (FMCSA). The DOT initiatives have focused on enforcing <a href="https://www.joc.com/article/us-dot-presses-states-to-enforce-english-language-trucking-rules-6069884">English-language proficiency</a> requirements and tightening standards for non-domiciled CDLs issued by states. The US also stopped issuing certain work visas for foreign truck drivers. In its letter, the OOIDA urged Congress to take up the Non-Domiciled CDL Integrity Act <a href="https://rouzer.house.gov/news/documentsingle.aspx?DocumentID=2587">introduced in the House</a> on Oct. 8 by Rep. David Rouzer (R-North Carolina). The bill would codify the interim final rule on non-domiciled CDLs published by the FMCSA on Sept. 29. The interim final rule and the House bill attempt to prevent those in the US illegally from receiving non-domiciled licenses that some states issue to drivers living outside their jurisdiction. The rules also tighten state enforcement of licensing requirements. <h3>‘A little tightness’ </h3>The DOT crackdown on ELP requirements and licensing is already having an impact on some truck lanes and on spot market truckload rates, according to motor carriers. The extent of the impact, however, is hard to measure. “We believe recent developments in regulations and enforcement when taken together could have a noticeable impact on available industry capacity,” Nicholas Hobbs, COO at J.B. Hunt Transport Services, said during a third-quarter earnings call Oct. 15. “We’ve seen a little tightness in probably eight to 10 markets,” said Hobbs. He attributed that not just to DOT roadside inspections, but also immigration enforcement. “You can follow the news and see where [US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE)] is active,” he said. The average US national truckload spot rate was $1.70 per mile in the week ending Oct. 18, according to DAT Freight &amp; Analytics, flat with the week prior. The load board operator is seeing evidence that DOT and ICE enforcement are affecting capacity. “We’re seeing drivers who are US citizens saying, ‘We’re going to sit this one out,’” said Dean Croke, principal analyst at DAT. “They’ll go do something else, [such as] maybe run locally.” Contact William B. Cassidy at <a href="mailto:bill.cassidy@spglobal.com">bill.cassidy@spglobal.com</a>. </div>

A crackdown on unqualified and illegal truck drivers in the US is already said to be tightening capacity in certain markets, but some want the crackdown to go further. The Owner-Operator Independent Driver’s Association (OOIDA) is urging the House of Representatives and Senate to write new truck driver licensing rules into law. OOIDA is also calling for enhanced new driver training and more stringent audits of new carriers. The group also opposes efforts to lower the legal age required to drive a commercial truck in interstate commerce from 21 to 18. The Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act of 2022 established a three-year pilot program for 18- to 20-year-old truck drivers. “Simply put, far too many individuals are entering the trucking industry without the basic skills necessary to safely operate a commercial vehicle,” Todd Spencer, OOIDA’s president, said in a letter to the House and Senate transportation committees. “Additionally, inconsistent and improper licensing processes among states have permitted hundreds of thousands of unqualified drivers to work on our nation’s roads, which has needlessly resulted in numerous fatal crashes,” Spencer wrote. Since June, truck drivers have been the focus of English-language proficiency (ELP) and commercial driver’s license (CDL) enforcement initiatives by the US Department of Transportation (DOT) and its Federal Motor Carrier Safety Administration (FMCSA). The DOT initiatives have focused on enforcing English-language proficiency requirements and tightening standards for non-domiciled CDLs issued by states. The US also stopped issuing certain work visas for foreign truck drivers. In its letter, the OOIDA urged Congress to take up the Non-Domiciled CDL Integrity Act introduced in the House on Oct. 8 by Rep. David Rouzer (R-North Carolina). The bill would codify the interim final rule on non-domiciled CDLs published by the FMCSA on Sept. 29. The interim final rule and the House bill attempt to prevent those in the US illegally from receiving non-domiciled licenses that some states issue to drivers living outside their jurisdiction. The rules also tighten state enforcement of licensing requirements. ‘A little tightness’ The DOT crackdown on ELP requirements and licensing is already having an impact on some truck lanes and on spot market truckload rates, according to motor carriers. The extent of the impact, however, is hard to measure. “We believe recent developments in regulations and enforcement when taken together could have a noticeable impact on available industry capacity,” Nicholas Hobbs, COO at J.B. Hunt Transport Services, said during a third-quarter earnings call Oct. 15. “We’ve seen a little tightness in probably eight to 10 markets,” said Hobbs. He attributed that not just to DOT roadside inspections, but also immigration enforcement. “You can follow the news and see where [US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE)] is active,” he said. The average US national truckload spot rate was $1.70 per mile in the week ending Oct. 18, according to DAT Freight & Analytics, flat with the week prior. The load board operator is seeing evidence that DOT and ICE enforcement are affecting capacity. “We’re seeing drivers who are US citizens saying, ‘We’re going to sit this one out,’” said Dean Croke, principal analyst at DAT. “They’ll go do something else, [such as] maybe run locally.” Contact William B. Cassidy at bill.cassidy@spglobal.com .

Trucking News

Transport, Trade and Regulation News

Surface

Industry group calls for tougher licensing, better training amid trucker crackdown

<div class="phx-topic abstract-wrapper">The absence of a framework on how global shipping can pass on the higher operating costs of using low- or zero-emission fuels to cargo owners will likely stall investment in the sector. </div>

The absence of a framework on how global shipping can pass on the higher operating costs of using low- or zero-emission fuels to cargo owners will likely stall investment in the sector.

<div class="phx-topic">The most optimistic view of global maritime regulators punting on a new net-zero emissions framework is that efforts to derail it completely were avoided. For most in the shipping industry, however, the International Maritime Organization’s (IMO’s) one-year delay is viewed as a major missed opportunity to give the investment community the certainty it needs to fund the transition to net-zero fuels. The Friday motion to delay adoption of the IMO’s net-zero framework was made at a tense and combative session of its Marine Environment Protection Committee (MEPC) in London. The vote to delay was 57 in favor and 49 against, with 21 abstentions. In the interim, member states will continue to work toward consensus on the decarbonization plans, but achieving the emissions-cutting targets agreed under the revised IMO greenhouse gas (GHG) strategy in 2023 will now be under pressure. The IMO’s targets include at least a 20% — striving for 30% — reduction in emissions by 2030 and at least a 70%, striving for 80%, reduction by 2040 compared with 2008 levels. The ultimate goal is to achieve net-zero emissions by 2050. But critics argue that the absence of a framework on how global shipping can pass on to cargo owners the higher operating costs of using low- or zero-emission fuels will likely stall investment in shipbuilding and in scaling up production of alternative fuels to replace conventional, heavy-emission bunkers. They fear that with no global pricing mechanism, there is likely to emerge a host of local carbon pricing initiatives that will be difficult for carriers to navigate. The United States’ willingness to threaten IMO member states voting against White House efforts to water down the regulations brings a challenge that wasn’t present in July 2023 when the IMO’s revised GHG strategy was agreed. The US believes putting a price on carbon emissions from ships will be passed on to its consumers, increasing costs by 10%. It was what triggered the extraordinary threats by the White House that included sanctions, port fees and visa refusals against member states voting to adopt the IMO net-zero framework. President Donald Trump even weighed in on his Truth Social media platform with a post last week saying, “the US will not stand for this Global Green New Scam Tax on Shipping. Stand with the US and vote NO in London...!” <h3>States swayed by US threats </h3>The US was supported in its opposition to the measures by petrostates Saudi Arabia, Russia and Venezuela, with Singapore raising the idea that the regulation be delayed and Saudi Arabia calling for the vote. Pressure from the US saw Liberia, the world’s largest ship registry with 16% of global tonnage, and Bahamas, home to almost 4% of global tonnage, reversing their support for the framework. Not everyone was cowed by the US threats, particularly the tiny Pacific Island states that are most vulnerable to the climate change dismissed as a hoax by Trump. “Don’t pretend that the Pacific was voiceless. We were ignored, bullied, threatened, cornered, sidelined and harassed. But we stood tall,” Marshall Islands Ambassador Albon Ishoda <a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/albon-ishoda-384472333/recent-activity/all/">wrote in a LinkedIn post</a>. “When you mention those large countries that fought for or against the framework, don’t forget that it was the Pacific Island countries and Seychelles that gave the hardest miles and took the hardest hit,” Ishoda wrote. “A year delay is a year of more devastation and displacement for our communities that have nothing to do with this catastrophe. We don’t have the luxury of time.” There are concerns that the US considers the delay in adopting IMO decarbonization plans as a win and will use the time between now and next October to build further opposition against the net-zero framework, potentially killing the regulation. There are also concerns that the delay is a win for liquefied natural gas (LNG) that will continue to be the fuel of choice across shipping sectors. Reaction to the IMO vote to adjourn the attempted adoption of the net-zero framework for a year has been loud and predominantly negative, particularly concerning the enormous investment required to decarbonize the maritime industry. The Global Maritime Forum has estimated that achieving a 50% reduction in shipping's GHG emissions by 2050 will require investment of $1 trillion to $1.4 trillion between 2030 and 2050. If full decarbonization is the goal, the total could be as high as $1.9 trillion. “From an economic standpoint, introducing carbon pricing is essential to level the playing field with sustainable fuels, which are currently not economically viable,” said Rico Luman, senior economist for transport and logistics at global bank ING. “Regardless of the timing, a pricing mechanism will eventually be necessary to drive progress in reducing greenhouse gas emissions, also as it helps funding green investments,” Luman noted. <h3>Delay puts targets under pressure </h3>It was a sentiment repeated time and again as the reaction rolled in following the Friday afternoon vote. “The industry needs clarity to be able to make the investments needed to decarbonize the maritime sector, in line with the goals set out in the IMO greenhouse gas strategy,” said Thomas Kazakos, secretary-general of the International Chamber of Shipping. Kazakos said the framework would have created the first global carbon pricing mechanism for any industrial sector, with the aim of delivering a clear path for shipping’s transition to net zero. The delay means meeting the IMO’s decarbonization targets has been made more difficult, Luman told the Journal of Commerce. “The current timeline needs to be reassessed, as the projected CO₂ reductions by 2030 already fall short of earlier ambitions,” he said. “As a result, achieving the 2040 and 2050 targets set out in the IMO’s net-zero strategy is becoming increasingly challenging — particularly given the long investment horizons typical in the shipping industry.” Jesse Fahnestock, director of decarbonization at the Global Maritime Forum, agreed, calling Friday’s adjournment “a disappointing setback for shipping” that will make delivery of maritime decarbonization targets even more challenging. Lars Jensen, CEO of Vespucci Maritime and a Journal of Commerce contributor, said the main container carriers were unlikely to stray from their current newbuilding path, at least for now. “But it will make it more difficult to convince ... investors to come in hard on green fuel production with the new uncertainty,” <a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/larsjensenvespuccimaritime/recent-activity/all/">Jensen wrote in a LinkedIn post</a> Monday. “In such an environment, LNG just got another improvement in its relative competitiveness versus the fully green fuels.” Contact Greg Knowler at <a href="mailto:greg.knowler@spglobal.com">greg.knowler@spglobal.com</a>. </div>

The most optimistic view of global maritime regulators punting on a new net-zero emissions framework is that efforts to derail it completely were avoided. For most in the shipping industry, however, the International Maritime Organization’s (IMO’s) one-year delay is viewed as a major missed opportunity to give the investment community the certainty it needs to fund the transition to net-zero fuels. The Friday motion to delay adoption of the IMO’s net-zero framework was made at a tense and combative session of its Marine Environment Protection Committee (MEPC) in London. The vote to delay was 57 in favor and 49 against, with 21 abstentions. In the interim, member states will continue to work toward consensus on the decarbonization plans, but achieving the emissions-cutting targets agreed under the revised IMO greenhouse gas (GHG) strategy in 2023 will now be under pressure. The IMO’s targets include at least a 20% — striving for 30% — reduction in emissions by 2030 and at least a 70%, striving for 80%, reduction by 2040 compared with 2008 levels. The ultimate goal is to achieve net-zero emissions by 2050. But critics argue that the absence of a framework on how global shipping can pass on to cargo owners the higher operating costs of using low- or zero-emission fuels will likely stall investment in shipbuilding and in scaling up production of alternative fuels to replace conventional, heavy-emission bunkers. They fear that with no global pricing mechanism, there is likely to emerge a host of local carbon pricing initiatives that will be difficult for carriers to navigate. The United States’ willingness to threaten IMO member states voting against White House efforts to water down the regulations brings a challenge that wasn’t present in July 2023 when the IMO’s revised GHG strategy was agreed. The US believes putting a price on carbon emissions from ships will be passed on to its consumers, increasing costs by 10%. It was what triggered the extraordinary threats by the White House that included sanctions, port fees and visa refusals against member states voting to adopt the IMO net-zero framework. President Donald Trump even weighed in on his Truth Social media platform with a post last week saying, “the US will not stand for this Global Green New Scam Tax on Shipping. Stand with the US and vote NO in London...!” States swayed by US threats The US was supported in its opposition to the measures by petrostates Saudi Arabia, Russia and Venezuela, with Singapore raising the idea that the regulation be delayed and Saudi Arabia calling for the vote. Pressure from the US saw Liberia, the world’s largest ship registry with 16% of global tonnage, and Bahamas, home to almost 4% of global tonnage, reversing their support for the framework. Not everyone was cowed by the US threats, particularly the tiny Pacific Island states that are most vulnerable to the climate change dismissed as a hoax by Trump. “Don’t pretend that the Pacific was voiceless. We were ignored, bullied, threatened, cornered, sidelined and harassed. But we stood tall,” Marshall Islands Ambassador Albon Ishoda wrote in a LinkedIn post . “When you mention those large countries that fought for or against the framework, don’t forget that it was the Pacific Island countries and Seychelles that gave the hardest miles and took the hardest hit,” Ishoda wrote. “A year delay is a year of more devastation and displacement for our communities that have nothing to do with this catastrophe. We don’t have the luxury of time.” There are concerns that the US considers the delay in adopting IMO decarbonization plans as a win and will use the time between now and next October to build further opposition against the net-zero framework, potentially killing the regulation. There are also concerns that the delay is a win for liquefied natural gas (LNG) that will continue to be the fuel of choice across shipping sectors. Reaction to the IMO vote to adjourn the attempted adoption of the net-zero framework for a year has been loud and predominantly negative, particularly concerning the enormous investment required to decarbonize the maritime industry. The Global Maritime Forum has estimated that achieving a 50% reduction in shipping's GHG emissions by 2050 will require investment of $1 trillion to $1.4 trillion between 2030 and 2050. If full decarbonization is the goal, the total could be as high as $1.9 trillion. “From an economic standpoint, introducing carbon pricing is essential to level the playing field with sustainable fuels, which are currently not economically viable,” said Rico Luman, senior economist for transport and logistics at global bank ING. “Regardless of the timing, a pricing mechanism will eventually be necessary to drive progress in reducing greenhouse gas emissions, also as it helps funding green investments,” Luman noted. Delay puts targets under pressure It was a sentiment repeated time and again as the reaction rolled in following the Friday afternoon vote. “The industry needs clarity to be able to make the investments needed to decarbonize the maritime sector, in line with the goals set out in the IMO greenhouse gas strategy,” said Thomas Kazakos, secretary-general of the International Chamber of Shipping. Kazakos said the framework would have created the first global carbon pricing mechanism for any industrial sector, with the aim of delivering a clear path for shipping’s transition to net zero. The delay means meeting the IMO’s decarbonization targets has been made more difficult, Luman told the Journal of Commerce. “The current timeline needs to be reassessed, as the projected CO₂ reductions by 2030 already fall short of earlier ambitions,” he said. “As a result, achieving the 2040 and 2050 targets set out in the IMO’s net-zero strategy is becoming increasingly challenging — particularly given the long investment horizons typical in the shipping industry.” Jesse Fahnestock, director of decarbonization at the Global Maritime Forum, agreed, calling Friday’s adjournment “a disappointing setback for shipping” that will make delivery of maritime decarbonization targets even more challenging. Lars Jensen, CEO of Vespucci Maritime and a Journal of Commerce contributor, said the main container carriers were unlikely to stray from their current newbuilding path, at least for now. “But it will make it more difficult to convince ... investors to come in hard on green fuel production with the new uncertainty,” Jensen wrote in a LinkedIn post Monday. “In such an environment, LNG just got another improvement in its relative competitiveness versus the fully green fuels.” Contact Greg Knowler at greg.knowler@spglobal.com .

Delay in IMO decarbonization plans robs green fuel investors of certainty

<div class="phx-topic abstract-wrapper">The partnership is part of a broader effort to advance the development of the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor via the Adriatic’s main port. </div>

The partnership is part of a broader effort to advance the development of the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor via the Adriatic’s main port.

<div class="phx-topic">CMA CGM and the Slovenian Port of Koper have established an automotive logistic services joint venture, expanding the carrier’s reach into Central Europe and upgrading an existing long-standing partnership. Rodolphe Saadé, CMA CGM’s chairman and CEO, signed the deal Monday during a visit to the port, alongside Slovenian Prime Minister Robert Golob and French President Emmanuel Macron. “In the context of the emerging India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor, CMA CGM and the Port of Koper share the ambition to strengthen Slovenia’s role as a sustainable logistics hub at the heart of Europe,” CMA CGM said in a statement. Financial terms of the deal were not disclosed. Koper is the Adriatic’s main port and a strategic gateway for the transport of vehicles to and from Asia by sea and rail, and the logistics JV will build on CMA CGM’s established intermodal network in the region. The JV company will equip, maintain and operate the site for automotive logistic services. CMA CGM and Koper are considering other joint projects to improve the competitive position of the port and further develop regional trade flows, according to the statement. CMA CGM’s services from Koper are operated by LNG or methanol-powered vessels with a capacity of 15,000 TEUs, with rail connections to major Central European markets. The carrier has two weekly maritime services calling Koper: the Phoenician Express connecting Asia to the Mediterranean and the Bora Med service within the Mediterranean basin. Contact Greg Knowler at <a href="mailto:greg.knowler@spglobal.com">greg.knowler@spglobal.com</a>. </div>

CMA CGM and the Slovenian Port of Koper have established an automotive logistic services joint venture, expanding the carrier’s reach into Central Europe and upgrading an existing long-standing partnership. Rodolphe Saadé, CMA CGM’s chairman and CEO, signed the deal Monday during a visit to the port, alongside Slovenian Prime Minister Robert Golob and French President Emmanuel Macron. “In the context of the emerging India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor, CMA CGM and the Port of Koper share the ambition to strengthen Slovenia’s role as a sustainable logistics hub at the heart of Europe,” CMA CGM said in a statement. Financial terms of the deal were not disclosed. Koper is the Adriatic’s main port and a strategic gateway for the transport of vehicles to and from Asia by sea and rail, and the logistics JV will build on CMA CGM’s established intermodal network in the region. The JV company will equip, maintain and operate the site for automotive logistic services. CMA CGM and Koper are considering other joint projects to improve the competitive position of the port and further develop regional trade flows, according to the statement. CMA CGM’s services from Koper are operated by LNG or methanol-powered vessels with a capacity of 15,000 TEUs, with rail connections to major Central European markets. The carrier has two weekly maritime services calling Koper: the Phoenician Express connecting Asia to the Mediterranean and the Bora Med service within the Mediterranean basin. Contact Greg Knowler at greg.knowler@spglobal.com .

Container lines

Asia-Europe

International ports

CMA CGM inks auto logistics joint venture with Slovenian Port of Koper

<div class="phx-topic abstract-wrapper">The ocean carrier and logistics provider already has big investments in Panama but may lack dedicated berth space for ships if MSC swoops in on two big container terminals there.</div>

The ocean carrier and logistics provider already has big investments in Panama but may lack dedicated berth space for ships if MSC swoops in on two big container terminals there.

<div class="phx-topic">Maersk signaled its interest in helping develop the Panama Canal’s yet-to-be-built container terminals, as the carrier faces the prospect of its former alliance partner Mediterranean Shipping Co. taking control of Panama’s current terminal assets. Speaking at an event Oct. 9 sponsored by Denmark’s embassy in Colombia, Maersk Chief Executive Vincent Clerc said his company may invest in the new terminals the Panama Canal Authority (ACP) hopes to build on both sides of the canal. This summer, <a href="https://www.joc.com/article/panama-canal-mulls-developing-corozal-to-allay-neutrality-fears-over-hutchison-deal-6023330">the ACP said it was looking to develop container terminals</a> on the Pacific side at Corozal and on the Atlantic side near Colon. According to local press reports about the event, the ACP is starting its outreach to ocean carriers and terminal operators about the new terminal concessions, with a formal tender expected in the second half of 2026. The new terminals are part of Panama’s response to US government concerns about Chinese conglomerate CK Hutchison owning terminals on both sides of the canal. President Donald Trump has repeatedly pressured Panama’s government about selling the terminals to a non-Chinese firm, despite <a href="https://www.joc.com/article/panama-canal-transit-data-belies-trumps-claims-of-chinas-control-project44-5948559">no evidence of US-bound ships receiving less preferential treatment for canal transits</a>. ACP President Ricuarte Vasquez Morales has said the canal needs more common carrier terminal capacity. MSC’s Terminal Investment Limited subsidiary and BlackRock’s Global Infrastructure Partners have emerged as the leading bidders for the terminals in Colon and Balboa. The sale, though, faces a lengthy regulatory review, plus the potential inclusion of Cosco Shipping as another partner as <a href="https://www.joc.com/article/beijing-issues-warning-over-hutchisons-proposed-sale-of-panama-ports-company-5962910">a sop to China for approving Hutchison’s sale of the terminals</a>. Hutchison has confirmed that a “major strategic investor from China” was looking to be part of a Hutchison acquisition. An MSC takeover of the two terminals could shut out Maersk from an important transshipment point for its north-south services. Over the past 12 months, Maersk-operated container ships have made 1,345 calls to Panama’s ports, according to data from Sea-web, a sister product of the Journal of Commerce within S&amp;P Global. MSC, as well, is a heavy user of Panama’s terminals, with 1,563 calls over the same time. In April, <a href="https://www.joc.com/article/apm-acquires-first-railroad-asset-with-deal-for-panama-canals-short-line-5975493">Maersk bought the Panama Canal Railway</a>, the short-line railroad that links the ports of Balboa and Colon. Maersk, which is the railway’s largest customer, also operates a logistics park in the country. Contact Michael Angell at <a href="mailto:michael.angell@spglobal.com">michael.angell@spglobal.com</a>. </div>

Maersk signaled its interest in helping develop the Panama Canal’s yet-to-be-built container terminals, as the carrier faces the prospect of its former alliance partner Mediterranean Shipping Co. taking control of Panama’s current terminal assets. Speaking at an event Oct. 9 sponsored by Denmark’s embassy in Colombia, Maersk Chief Executive Vincent Clerc said his company may invest in the new terminals the Panama Canal Authority (ACP) hopes to build on both sides of the canal. This summer, the ACP said it was looking to develop container terminals on the Pacific side at Corozal and on the Atlantic side near Colon. According to local press reports about the event, the ACP is starting its outreach to ocean carriers and terminal operators about the new terminal concessions, with a formal tender expected in the second half of 2026. The new terminals are part of Panama’s response to US government concerns about Chinese conglomerate CK Hutchison owning terminals on both sides of the canal. President Donald Trump has repeatedly pressured Panama’s government about selling the terminals to a non-Chinese firm, despite no evidence of US-bound ships receiving less preferential treatment for canal transits . ACP President Ricuarte Vasquez Morales has said the canal needs more common carrier terminal capacity. MSC’s Terminal Investment Limited subsidiary and BlackRock’s Global Infrastructure Partners have emerged as the leading bidders for the terminals in Colon and Balboa. The sale, though, faces a lengthy regulatory review, plus the potential inclusion of Cosco Shipping as another partner as a sop to China for approving Hutchison’s sale of the terminals . Hutchison has confirmed that a “major strategic investor from China” was looking to be part of a Hutchison acquisition. An MSC takeover of the two terminals could shut out Maersk from an important transshipment point for its north-south services. Over the past 12 months, Maersk-operated container ships have made 1,345 calls to Panama’s ports, according to data from Sea-web, a sister product of the Journal of Commerce within S&P Global. MSC, as well, is a heavy user of Panama’s terminals, with 1,563 calls over the same time. In April, Maersk bought the Panama Canal Railway , the short-line railroad that links the ports of Balboa and Colon. Maersk, which is the railway’s largest customer, also operates a logistics park in the country. Contact Michael Angell at michael.angell@spglobal.com .

Maersk considering investment in Panama’s new terminals

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The world of LTL is slow to embrace change. Business anachronisms permeate current supply chain processes. These vestiges of the way things used to work define the LTL freight transportation procurement process of many modern shippers.David Knuth, logistics specialist at IEWC, a global supplier of cable and wire based in Wisconsin, is happy to have modernized the RFP process, automating the entire LTL bidding procedure with Bid$ense, SMC³’s automated truckload and LTL freight transportation sourcing solution. But when prompted, he can still recall what once was.In his previous job, a large part of his duties were consumed by creating an intermodal bid package for carriers. In a spreadsheet, Knuth detailed the company’s volumes lane by lane, taking care to delete any errant keystrokes or misleading data. He would then email out the information to each carrier, taking time to respond to detailed technical questions about the spreadsheet data. Finally, he had to compile all the results, create an algorithm that would compare the carriers on each lane, and award the business.“It was a huge undertaking. It took about four months to do,” Knuth said of the old process. “It was almost a full-time job for that part of the year, every year.”In his new job at IEWC, he sat down with Bid$ense on day one and was amazed at the capabilities. Knuth had never before used a bid tool. SMC³’s latest versions of Bid$ense automate the process even further, taking truckload and LTL RFPs entirely online. The tool draws on RFP best-practices protocols to streamline the bidding communication process, enabling bidding carriers to respond accurately and promptly to shipper requests. The solution also does all the distribution work automatically, electronically submitting shipper bid data to carriers based on their actual service capabilities and performance records. Carriers are alerted with timely prompts for RFP deliverables, so shippers aren’t waiting by the phone for responses.Another benefit of automating the process is the data-cleansing assistance. When Knuth sent spreadsheets to carriers, data errors might cloud the bidding process; he might have to resend data or simply accept a price that did not truly reflect the costs of doing business. Data cleansing is incredibly beneficial, he said.The spreadsheet technique also made bidding analysis an onerous task. Since Bid$ense automates and streamlines the entire RFP process, intensive examination is now simple. SMC³ knows that each bid has more than one best outcome. With uniform responses from each carrier, shippers can quickly rank results and create an unlimited quantity of what-if scenarios to make the optimal procurement decision.Jesse Burnett of Central Garden &amp; Pet experiences many of the same benefits. Founded in 1980, Central Garden &amp; Pet has spent the last three decades growing from a small garden supply company to a provider of a range of products from dog chews and bird seed to soil supplements and natural insecticides. For much of its life, the company shipped these disparate goods via LTL and truckload carriers to retailers throughout the country, relying on each business unit to negotiate directly with their freight transportation providers. This arrangement worked fairly well for a small company, but as Central Garden &amp; Pet expanded, leadership decided to consolidate decision making.Burnett helped centralize the transportation decision making in 2015 with SMC³’s Bid$ense. Before Bid$ense, every business unit operated independently as far as negotiating with carriers.“There were a lot of different things just floating around,” he said. “We didn’t have master agreements in place; no national pricing at all. The pricing from carriers was just all over the place, depending on where you were.”The transformations he saw with Bid$ense were immediate. Burnett has been using the tool about every other year since its implementation at the company. Central Garden and Pet’s $19.6 million 2019 LTL bid saved the company just more than 9 percent when compared to its historical average. For Burnett, though, bid automation extends far beyond savings.“We knew that we weren’t getting the best pricing offer from our carriers just because nothing was centralized,” he continued. “We knew that if we combined everything from all these business units and paired it with one corporate offering, then it would drive some cost benefit with it.”When the company initially decided to centralize bid procurement, executives researched a number of different methodologies and technologies. In the end, though, Burnett found that Bid$ense was both widespread and well known, and that his carrier partners already knew how to use the application. Burnett also highlighted the data-cleansing process as a major benefit, saying the rigorous process ensures that carriers always return the best price.“It definitely has helped drive savings,” he said. “Any time you go out there and you drive that competitiveness with the carriers and they know they’re in a bid environment, it seems to sharpen their pencils.”Transportation procurement is an integral part of the modern supply chain. With Bid$ense, shippers can develop a strategic implementation plan that saves them time and money, but also helps them create strong relationships with their carrier partners. These carriers appreciate the solution’s data-cleansing process; when carriers receive a complete shipment history and future volume forecast, they don’t have to guess on pricing. Carriers that receive more data from shippers get a complete picture of that shipper’s freight, allowing them to accurately plan instead of simply preparing for the worst-case scenario. Clean data presented through an automated system can lead to both bigger shipment savings and a lasting partnership between carrier and customer.Whether customers are looking to streamline over-the-road transportation bidding by automating the RFP process or create an entirely new, centralized sourcing process, Bid$ense has the analytical horsepower to get the job done.SMC³ 2020 Customer Case Study

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Shippers save money, time with automated transportation bidding tools

If there’s one immutable truth in the world of logistics, it’s this: LTL is an inherently complex form of transportation. Tariffs, rates, DIM weights, transit times — it’s enough to confuse even seasoned logistics professionals. The solution to this knowledge gap has historically been on-the-job training or university supply chain education, but for a variety of reasons there is now a pressing need for third-party, remote LTL training that prepares logistics workers for transportation success. Global Scope Can Overlook Local Intricacies In the past, professionals looking to move into a supply chain career learned about the basics of supply chain from universities. However, many of these college supply chain programs are now global in scope, focusing on worldwide supply chain management instead of the intricacies of specialized domestic transportation. And even these programs, which used to be widespread, are becoming less common. LTL is not an industry of broad-brush strokes; supply chain professionals really need a pointillistic understanding of the logistics of LTL in order to excel in the industry. Accelerating Need for Dedicated LTL Education This lack of specified training put the onus on employers to prepare new hires with the LTL knowledge needed to do their jobs. Dedicated LTL study is a necessity, not a luxury. At the same time, changes in LTL and the broader supply chain world are accelerating. The reliance on e-commerce has ballooned since the start of the pandemic, and last-mile LTL shipments and related e-commerce strains on the supply chain won’t diminish once social distancing abates. That genie isn’t going back into the bottle. So supply chain employers need logistics workers that are fully versed in all aspects of the industry, ready to solve unique shipping and delivery problems based on their extensive supply chain knowledge But why care about LTL? It’s been reported that some shippers in today’s world are no longer concerned with what mode is used to ship their goods. A Multimodal Approach Ensures On-Time Delivery This mode agnosticism means supply chain stakeholders have to be well versed in all modes of transportation. As unforeseen weather events and other disruptions, such as protests, become more common, savvy logistics employees will need to be armed with familiarity of all modes, not just the most popular, to ensure that freight is delivered on time, without damage, and in the most financially expedient way possible. Offerings like SMC³’s LTL online education courses cover a wide range of topics from LTL basics and operations to more advanced concepts like pricing analytics and transportation law. The company also has plans to continually refresh content, adding new expert presenters and taking the feedback of students to make the courses even better as time goes on. Learn more about&nbsp;<a href="https://logisticstrainingcenter.com/smc3-courses/" rel="noreferrer" class="joc_admin__link">SMC³’s LTL Online Education program</a>&nbsp;and view the 2021 hybrid schedule, featuring live industry experts,&nbsp;<a href="https://www.smc3.com/onlinelearning2021/" rel="noreferrer" class="joc_admin__link">here.</a>

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Filling the Supply Chain Education Gap with LTL Education Courses

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